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African Population Studies
Union for African Population Studies
ISSN: 0850-5780
Vol. 22, Num. 2, 2007, pp. 79-108
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African Population Studies/Etude de la Population Africaine, Vol. 22, No. 2, 2007, pp. 79-108
Media
Exposure and Reproductive Health Behaviour Among
Young Females in Ghana
Stephen O.
Kwankye and Eric Augustt,
Regional
Institute for Population Studies (RIPS), University of Ghana, Legon, Accra, Ghana
Code Number: ep07011
Abstract
The study is
premised on the hypothesis that a young womans exposure to the media increases
her knowledge about sexual and reproductive health risks, which in turn,
influences her to adopt positive sexual and reproductive behaviour. Using the
2003 Ghana Demographic and Health Survey dataset on women 15-24 years, the
study finds that although a young womans exposure to the newspapers positively
affects her sexual and reproductive behaviour, overall no consistent and
statistically significant results were produced particularly with reference to
the electronic media (radio and television). The conclusion is that mere
exposure to the media may not be enough to change ones sexual and reproductive
behaviour if the contents of the particular media source do not positively
address sexual and reproductive health issues, a subject which the study calls
for further research.
Key Words: Media exposure, reproductive health behaviour, young
females, family planning, Ghana.
Introduction
Young persons of 15-24 years constitute a sizeable proportion
of the population in most countries of sub-Saharan Africa. In Ghana, young
females 15-24 years make up 18.4% of the total population of women, but more
than one-third (39%) of women in the reproductive ages 15-49 years (Ghana
Statistical Service, 2002). With a built-in population momentum, i.e., with 40%
of the population less than 15 years (Population Reference Bureau, 2005), the
15-24-year-old population would continue to be relevant with respect to
reproductive health issues in the country.
Information,
education and communication are increasingly becoming important components of
the technological and behavioural transformation of the human population. The
world is fast becoming a global village. Thus, the traditional mechanism of
grandmothers playing effective roles in educating young females about their
sexuality and childbearing in most of Africa is steadily being overtaken by the
information and communication technology. Yet, as these generational linkages
are fast being eroded, no formal sex-education, especially on family planning,
has risen to fill the void (Centre on Population Options, 1992).
In Ghana, population and family life education has been recommended and adopted as part of the
Social Studies Curriculum of basic school education in the country. While this
is a welcome development, it is a fact that such a programme would reach only
young persons who are in school and exclude a considerable proportion of their
colleagues especially the females who may be out of school due often to having
dropped out of school for various socio-cultural and economic reasons.
In a study focused
on how school children learn about sex and love in Akropong, Essah (2006)
describes the inadequacy of the educational system in offering sex education to
school pupils at early ages. From Essahs study, it was revealed that sex
education is not much institutionalised at the Junior Secondary School level
considering that the Life Skills course in which sex education was integrated
had been discontinued, with many schools not making any time for it on their
teaching time tables. Even where sex education is taught, it comes up too late,
towards the end of Form Three (Essah, 2006), perhaps at a time when some of the
young pupils might have been involved in behaviours that impact negatively on
their reproductive health. Consequently, the school as a good source of sexual
and reproductive health information and education is limited.
Ghana is currently experiencing fertility transition,
with total fertility rate dropping from 6.4 in 1988 to 5.5 in 1993 and to an
average of 4.4 in 1998 and 2003 (Ghana Statistical Service and Macro
International Inc., 1989, 1994, 1999 and 2004). This shows some persistent and
seemingly dramatic fall in fertility since 1988 (Nyarko, 2005). The
contribution of adolescents 15-19 years to fertility in Ghana has averaged 10% (see 1989, 1994, 1999 and 2004 GDHS reports). Though not a big
contribution, reproduction among females of such young ages carries with it a
number of possible outcomes. The impact of these on the development of the
women could be negative namely, an unplanned/unwanted pregnancy, sexually
transmitted infections (STIs) or HIV/AIDS infection and, dropping out of school.
In addition, a consideration of an abortion and its associated complications could
lead to death or life-long impairment to the reproductive system of the woman. For
example, some pregnant girls have been reported to use all kinds of strange
methods to get rid of an unwanted pregnancy including grounded bottles mixed
with water or beer which they drink (Essah, 2006). Apart from the risks young
women may be exposed to, early sexuality and/or childbearing could foreclose
their socio-economic progression in life.
From a report on
the assessment of sexual and reproductive health needs in Ghana (Nabila et. al., 1996), 16% of teenage girls could correctly identify when, during a
womans menstrual cycle, she was most likely to become pregnant. Inadequate
knowledge about reproductive health, therefore, could contribute to high risks
of unplanned pregnancies, sexually transmitted infections (STIs) and HIV/AIDS,
etc., among young women in Ghana. One mechanism for information provision is
the media, made up of print (newspapers and magazines) and electronic (radio
and television). In Ghana, following the liberalisation of the airwaves since
the year 2000, a number of radio and television stations have emerged on the
media landscape. There are also several private newspapers currently on the
newsstands in the country. These media channels provide information in addition
to offering convenient platforms for discussions on all issues relating to the
political, socio-cultural and economic spheres of life.
This paper
attempts to examine the extent, to which these media channels, i.e., radio,
television and newspapers, impact on the knowledge and behaviour of young women
in Ghana with respect to their sexuality and reproductive health. It examines
the possible impact of the media on sex initiation and the timing of marriage, knowledge
of the ovulatory cycle, contraceptive knowledge and use, childbearing and
pregnancy termination among young females 15-24 years in Ghana.
Theoretical Framework
The theoretical basis of
this study hinges on the fact that there is no clear-cut relationship between
access to the mass media and reproductive health behaviour or practices.
According to Ling (1990), it is almost an article of faith among development
communication practitioners that well-designed public programmes that combine
media communication with community education will contribute to the adoption of
positive public health practices. What has not yet been realised by many health
professionals and the public is that the same modern communications technology,
via the mass media, is now a factor in the increasing incidence of diseases
that are related to lifestyles. This is an indication that while the mass
media seeks to inform and change behaviour, it could at the same time be
counter-productive.
All over the
world, changing behaviour could be difficult. Often laws that threaten severe
sanctions or penalties fail to change peoples behaviour. Behaviour change,
however, often is a gradual step-by-step process dependent on a persons
experiences and his/her perception of the personal importance of the change
(McCuire, 1981). Studies that have attempted to examine the impact of access to
the mass media on behaviour change have so far produced little or no effects or
have simply led to conflicting results (McCurie, 1986). Reasons cited for lack
of impact include poor quality media programmes or low coverage. On the other
hand, its impact could be obscured by other influences the target population
may be exposed to.
It must be noted
that notwithstanding the inconsistent observed impact of the media on behaviour
changes, one thing that is clear is that the media informs as well as educates
and if the right information is provided, it is likely that persons who have
access to a particular type of media would have a faster change in behaviour.
Theoretically,
it is assumed that persons who are regularly exposed to the media are more
likely than their counterparts with little or no exposure to have higher
knowledge about reproductive health matters and consequently, their behaviour
would be less prone to risks. This is premised on the conception that the
media provides the right information, which could affect the behaviour change
process. It is also to be noted that ones access to the media is also linked
to his/her education and place of residence.
The
proliferation of media houses and facilities is also linked to the
modernisation and globalisation process of development. Consequently, premised
on the assumption that the medias main role is to provide accurate information
and educate the general population, it is hypothesised that young women with
higher access to the media sources would have a higher knowledge of
reproductive health issues and as such have relatively less risky sexual
behaviours or practices. The analysis also presents the unique opportunity to
assess the notion that is often put across especially within traditional
society that modernisation and access to the media among persons at young ages
could result in sexual promiscuity.
Data and Methodology
The paper uses the 2003
Ghana Demographic and Health Survey (GDHS) data collected from a nationally
representative survey of 5,691 women aged 15-49 years and 5,015 men aged 15-59
years. For the purpose of this paper, however, only data covering young females
of 15-24 years are used for the analysis. The paper is, therefore, based on a
total sample of 2,160 females, made up of 1,148 of age 15-19 years and 1,012 of
20-24 years. Basically, the analysis seeks to make comparisons between the
15-19 and 20-24 age groups. The analysis employs simple cross tabulations as
well as multiple and logistic regression analyses to present the results. Both
statistical techniques enable us estimate the degree of variation in the
dependent variables that are contributed to by each independent variable.
The statistical
analysis uses the following variables namely, age at first sex, number of
children ever born, knowledge of the ovulatory cycle, ever use and current use
of any method of family planning as the dependent variables. The independent
variables however, include the current age, educational level, place of
residence (rural or urban) and the frequency with which the young woman listens
to the radio, reads newspapers or watches television.
Results
Background
Characteristics
Analysis of the data
indicates that overall, the majority of the young females had attained
secondary level of education (60%) but one out of six of them has had no formal
education. Comparing the two age groups, however, shows that a relatively
higher proportion of the older females (20-24) have no education than their
counterparts of 15-19 years, i.e., 20% compared with 12%. At the same time, a
higher proportion of females of 15-19 years have had secondary level of
education relative to those aged 20-24 years. This suggests some improvements
in the education of girls in Ghana during the past five years with respect to
secondary level of education. However, a higher proportion of females aged
20-24 years (5.1%) have attained higher education compared with less than one percent
among females aged 15-19 years. This is perhaps due to the fact that by virtue
of their young ages, not many of the 15-19-year-olds could practically be at
higher levels of education.
In terms of
rural and urban place of residence, the total sample has a higher proportion
from urban (54%) compared with the rural (46%) areas. This compares with the
GDHS report of 48.4% urban and 51.6% rural for the entire sample of women 15-49
years (Ghana Statistical Service et al., 2004). This suggests that a higher
proportion of the young females (15-24 years) live in urban places compared
with the older women who were more than 24 years.
Frequency
of Exposure to the Media
Analysis of the
data with respect to access to newspapers, radio and television (Table 1) shows
that two in three young females in Ghana do not read any newspaper or magazine
at all, and only 3% of them read it almost everyday. The situation is, however,
quite different for radio and television, which have 13% and 30% respectively
not listening to or watching it at all. It, therefore, would appear that
information dissemination targeting the female youth would be more appropriate
using the radio or television than through the newspapers or magazines.
There are,
however, variations in each case pertaining to age, education and place of
residence. In terms of the newspaper, a relatively smaller proportion of the
females of age 15-19 years do not read any newspaper at all in comparison with
those of 20-24 years. This notwithstanding, a slightly higher proportion of the
20-24 age group read a newspaper almost everyday relative to the 15-19 year
group. There is also some direct relationship between education and reading of
newspapers among the young females. It is, however, noted that only one in four
of the females read a newspaper almost everyday. It is again to be expected
that more urban dwellers would read newspapers than persons resident in rural
areas. This is because apart from the fact that newspapers may not be available
in many rural areas in Ghana, most of the rural dwellers may not be able to buy
the newspapers let alone read them.
Table 1 also
shows that for both radio and television, media access increases with higher
education. As expected, urban dwellers have a higher degree of access to both
radio and television. There is, however, not much variation among the women of
15-19 years and their counterparts of 20-24 years comparing access to the radio
and television.
Age at
First Sexual Activity
The
investigation into the variation (of the respondents) in age at first sexual
activity does not show consistent results. For example, with respect to reading
of newspapers, the highest mean age at first sex is recorded among females who
read it at least once a week (20.1 years) but for television, the highest mean
age at first sex is among those who watch it less than once a week (17.4 years)
and the lowest among those who never watch television at all (presumably, these
are the rural dwellers). On the other hand, analysis of radios possible impact
on initiation of first sex, depicts females who listen to the radio less than
once a week to have the lowest mean age at first sex, while the highest mean
age at first sex is recorded among their counterparts who listen to the radio
almost everyday.
It is important
to note that in all three types of media, a higher proportion of females
initiate sex within ages 15-19 years irrespective of frequency of media
exposure. Within ages 20-24 years, however, the proportion of females who initiate
sex within ages 20-24 years is highest among those who are almost everyday exposed
to one of the three types of media compared with their counterparts with lesser
or no media exposure. This plausibly suggests some positive impact of the media
on the initiation of first sex among the females; that is regular access to
newspapers, radio and television could result in the postponement of first sex
among the females, a development, which is quite positive.
The relationship
between ones media exposure and initiation of sex is, however, influenced by a
number of factors. These include the young persons level of education, place
of residence (whether rural or urban), the household environment (including
household assets and encouragement or otherwise from parents or siblings) towards
the use of the media as sources of information and education on sexuality and
reproductive health.
Age at
First Marriage
Assessing the impact of the media on age at first marriage
among the young females suggests the likelihood of persons who have regular
access to all three types of media marrying late compared with their
counterparts who never have access to any of the media channels. The analysis
also shows that for access to newspapers, mean age at first marriage is 17.1
years among females who never read any newspaper at all and 19.5 years among
those who read it almost everyday. It is also to be noted that for radio, the
corresponding mean ages at first marriage are 16.8 years and 17.4 years while
for television, the means are 16.9 years and 17.7 years. The analysis seems to
suggest that when women are exposed to reading newspapers, listening to the
radio or watching television regularly, they are likely to postpone their
marriage and thereby, concentrate on their education.
The above findings have implications for rural and urban places
of residence. In Table 1, we find that almost half of the respondents from the
rural areas do not watch television and more than 80% do not read newspapers
compared with less than 15% in either case in the urban area. This shows why
lower median age at first marriage has been found among rural respondents in Ghana compared with urban dwellers (see Ghana Demographic and Health Survey, 1988, 1993,
1998 and 2003).
Knowledge
and Use of Contraceptives
Information on family
planning methods and usage is usually disseminated through newspaper, radio and
television outlets throughout the country. From the analysis, it is observed
that knowledge of any method of contraception is quite high (95.4% among
females 15-19 years and 98.5% for the 20-24 year age group figures not
shown). This compares with 97.7% for all women 15-49 years in Ghana (Ghana Statistical Service and Macro International Inc., 2004). With reference to the
frequency of exposure to the media types, the analysis further shows that on
the whole, knowledge of contraception is relatively higher among young females
who regularly (almost everyday) read newspapers, listen to the radio or watch
television. For example, while knowledge among women who do not listen to the
radio at all is 88.5%, their counterparts who regularly listen to it record
98.7% knowledge of contraception, representing a difference of 10% between the
two groups.
The study
further examined the young females who have ever had sex based on whether or
not they have ever used any contraceptive methods in the past and their
variation with respect to their access to the three media types. The analysis further
shows that overall the proportion of young females who have never used any
method of family planning is 43% with 10% and 47% ever using traditional and
modern methods respectively. Here, it is noted that the proportion never using
any family planning method is lower for all young females with some exposure to
the three media types than the average for all the young females (i.e., 43%)
except young females who are exposed to the radio less than once a week among
whom 52% have never used any family planning method (Table 2).
Table 2 also
shows that the proportion ever using a modern method of family planning
increases with higher frequency of reading newspapers, listening to the radio
and watching television. Specifically, we note that 43.8% of the young females
who have ever used any method of family planning have used condoms, 21.1% have
used periodic abstinence, 14% have used the pill and about 10% have adopted
injections (figure not shown in the table).
The results for current use
of birth control methods are similar to those presented for ever use. Current
use of modern methods generally increases with higher frequency of access to
newspapers, radio or television. The suggestion is that as young females
regularly read newspapers, listen to radio or watch television, the likelihood
is there for them to use contraceptives whenever they choose to have sex. It
must be pointed out, however, that ever use of contraception is higher than
current use, a situation, which suggests irregular contraceptive usage among
sexually active young females in the country.
Knowledge
of Ovulatory Cycle
Knowledge of when, in the ovulatory cycle, a woman
is likely to be pregnant could serve as useful information to assist the woman
to prevent or avoid a pregnancy by either using a contraceptive or abstaining
from sex completely during the period of ovulation. More specifically, basic
knowledge of reproductive physiology is considered useful for the successful
practice of coitus related methods of pregnancy prevention particularly with
respect to the rhythm method (Central Statistical Office et al, 1997). From
Table 3, overall, the results indicate that about one in four of the young
females correctly stated the occurrence of ovulation within the middle of the
menstrual cycle. This is lower than the results from the 2003 GDHS for all
women, which is 29.4% (Ghana Statistical Service et al, 2004). Similar low
knowledge of the ovulatory cycle has been found by Essah (2006) where one in 10
of the pupils she studied in Akropong knew of the time during the menstrual
cycle that a female is most likely to become pregnant. This suggests a
generally poor knowledge regarding the period of ovulation among young women in
Ghana, a situation that could predispose some of them to obviously avoidable
pregnancies.
Relating
knowledge of ovulatory cycle to media exposure, it appears that the correct
knowledge of the ovulatory cycle increases with higher access to the media. It
must be emphasised, however, that the percentage who correctly quoted the right
period of occurrence of ovulation (i.e., within the middle of the cycle) for
those with regular exposure to the media (i.e., almost everyday) is highest for
the newspapers (43%) compared with radio (31%) and television (30%).
Children
Ever Born
Analysis of the young females by the number of
children ever born (CEB) lends some support to what the likely impact of a
persons access to media information could be. The results show that the
closeness of a young woman to the media is more likely to result in her giving
birth to a smaller number of children by the end of her reproductive period.
This suggests a decreasing number of CEB with higher frequency of exposure to
newspapers, radio or television. At the same time, the percentage of young
females who have ever had three or more children tends to be lowest among the
young women who reported having access to information from the newspapers,
radio or television either at least once a week or almost everyday. Overall,
however, a third of the young women had had only one child at the time of the
survey, 15% had had two children and just three percent had had three children
or more.
Pregnancy
Termination
The results from the analysis of the possible
impact of a womans access to the media on pregnancy termination among the
young females do not show much consistency. As is seen in Table 4, 13% of young
females who do not read newspapers at all reported to have ever terminated a
pregnancy. This compares with five percent among their counterparts who read
newspapers almost everyday. While 11.5% of those who read newspapers at least
once a week have ever terminated a pregnancy, just about seven percent of those
who read it less than once a week reported to have ever terminated a pregnancy.
In terms of radio and television, the results do not show any substantial
variation among the different levels of exposure to the two media types. The
results suggest that ones decision to terminate a pregnancy does not appear to
be dependent on the persons access to newspapers, radios or television
transmissions.
Multivariate Analysis
Two sets of analysis were carried
out, one using multiple regression and the other employing logistic regression
techniques. For the multiple regression analysis, the dependent variables were
age at first sex and number of children ever born at the time of the survey.
The independent variables are current age, level of education, place of
residence and exposure to newspapers, radio and television. The results of the
analysis are presented in Tables 5 and 6.
From Table 5, it is observed that overall, the
variables included in the model explained 23% of the variation in age at first
sex among the young women age 15-24 years. It is also noted that although the
relationship suggests some increasing age at first sex as frequency of exposure
to the three media types increases, the results do not show any statistical
significance particularly for radio and television. In the case of newspapers, the
results are statistically significant with regard to persons who read
newspapers at least once a week or almost everyday i.e., at slightly higher
than 90% level of confidence. The analysis of the radio is also statistically
significant with regard to only persons who listen to it almost everyday (p
< 0.05).
Furthermore, the results lend support to a higher
age at first sex among young females in urban areas compared with others
resident in rural communities. Similarly, there is some direct relationship
between education and age at first sex especially at post-primary school levels
(p < 0.05). It is also important to note that current age relates directly
with age at first sex, suggesting that age at first sex has declined between
the two age cohorts (15-19 and 20-24 years) in Ghana.
The results of the multiple regression analysis on
children ever born in Table 6 indicate that regular exposure to the television
and newspapers is statistically significant in explaining the variation in
children ever born among the young females. Thus, exposure to the television or
newspapers relates inversely with number of children ever born. The relationship
between the radio and the number of children ever born is on the other hand,
statistically not significant. At the same time, urban dwellers have a smaller
number of children ever born compared with their rural counterparts while
education exhibits indirect relationship with children ever born. In terms of
age, the results show a direct relationship with children ever born where the
older females tend to have relatively higher number of children ever born
compared with the younger ones (Table 6). This is, however, very much to be
expected.
Table 7 presents the results of logistic analysis
on knowledge of ovulatory cycle among the young females in Ghana. From the results, females of age 20-24 years are almost two times as likely to know
the correct timing of ovulation compared with their younger colleagues of 15-19
years. In terms of education, there is apparently no significant difference
between females of primary vis-à-vis those with no education. However, females
with secondary or higher level of education are two times more likely to have
knowledge of the ovulatory cycle relative to uneducated females. Compared with
rural residents, urban females are almost one and a half times more likely to
have knowledge of the correct timing of ovulation in a womans menstrual cycle.
The analysis further shows that a females exposure
to newspapers in particular directly relates to her knowledge of the ovulatory
cycle. For example, females who read newspapers almost everyday are two times
more likely to know the accurate occurrence of ovulation relative to their
counterparts who do not read at all. On the other hand, exposure to radio
produces quite a statistically significant result only among females who listen
to radio almost everyday i.e., such persons have slightly higher than one and a
half chances of accurately reporting the timing of ovulation in the womans
menstrual cycle. Similarly, the effects of ones exposure to television suggest
that those who watch television at least once a week or almost everyday are
also one and a half times more likely to report accurately the timing of
ovulation than those who never watch it.
With regard to ever use of any family planning method, Table 8
shows that young females of 20-24 years are five times more likely to have ever
used a family planning method compared with females of 15-19 years. Yet, in
terms of current use of any family planning method, females aged 20-24 years
are three times more likely to use any family planning method relative to their
counterparts of 15-19 years (see Table 9). It is also noted that education
relates directly with ever and current use of any family planning method among
young females in Ghana. For example, with regard to either ever use or current
use of any family planning method females with higher level of education are a
little more than twice likely to ever use or currently use any method of contraception
compared with their counterparts with no education (p < 0.001).
The results further show that the importance of exposure to the
media is relatively more visible with reference to ever use of any family
planning method by young women than current contraceptive use. For example,
with regard to current contraceptive use, the results are only statistically
significant in terms of a females exposure to the radio especially where exposure
is almost everyday i.e., such persons are more than twice likely to currently
use any family planning method relative to their counterparts who never listen
to the radio (Table 9). On the other hand, the results regarding the
relationship between media exposure and ever use of family planning though
statistically significant in several respects are not consistent. For example,
quite unexpectedly, it appears that the more a female is exposed to newspapers,
the less likely she would ever use any contraceptive method (Table 8). However,
for radio and television, the reverse is the case where for example, females
who listen to the radio almost everyday are close to two times more likely to
ever use any family planning method relative to their counterparts who never
listen to it.
Discussion
The results of
the analysis point to some positive impacts exposure to the media could make on
attitudes and behaviours of young females regarding sexuality and reproductive
health. First, from the bivariate analysis, it has been established in this
paper that females who are regularly exposed to the three media sources exhibit
the highest age at first sex and marriage. Again, knowledge and use of
contraception are both highest among females who are exposed to newspapers, the
radio and television almost everyday. Similar results were found in respect of
the analysis of knowledge of the ovulatory cycle. Quite consistently also,
females who are regularly exposed to the media have relatively lower number of
children ever born. In contrast, analysis of the effect of the media on
pregnancy termination does not produce any consistent results. It is thus, not
clear as to what extent exposure to the media encourages or discourages pregnancy
termination among the young females.
From the multivariate
analysis, however, the results are not clear-cut in several respects. For
example, while the radio and television do not show statistically significant
influence on age at first sex, in contrast, exposure to newspapers exhibits
high level of significance. This could plausibly be linked to education where a
females exposure to newspapers would depend largely on her education i.e., her
ability to read and/or write compared to the radio or television, which are
audio-visual. It could also be that newspapers provide more educative
information about dangers of early sex relative to the radio or television.
With respect to
number of children ever born, the highest level of statistical significance is
attained by exposure to newspapers, followed by television with radio showing
no statistical significance. Again, in terms of knowledge of the ovulatory
cycle, the radio once again does not appear to be an important influencing
source of information relative to newspapers and television. It is, however,
interesting to note that exposure to the radio appears to show more
consistently significant impact on ever and current use of any family planning
method compared with either the newspaper or the television. Perhaps, this has
arisen due to the regular radio advertisements on family planning and birth
control in Ghana. In fact, for either ever use or current use of any family
planning method, exposure to newspapers does not show any meaningful impact. This
is because newspapers carry few or none contraceptive advertisements and hence
regularly reading newspapers may have little or no impact on a females use or
non-use of any family planning method. Perhaps what is important is not just
ones mere exposure to the media but the contents of the media that one is
exposed to. This is because, if a particular media source one is exposed to
does not carry educative information on sexuality and reproductive health
issues, ones behaviour would not have any impact irrespective of his/her
exposure to it everyday.
With regard to
the other background variables, namely current age, education and place of
residence, the results pertaining to the dependent variables are to be
expected. For example, urban residents have higher age at first sex, lower
number of children ever born and higher knowledge of the ovulatory cycle and
are more likely to ever use any method of family planning relative to their
counterparts from rural areas. This is may be due in part to the fact that
information on fertility, birth control and reproductive health related issues
are more available or disseminated within the urban environment compared with
the rural areas. In addition, it also has to do with the role of education,
which in Ghana is higher in the urban vis-à-vis the rural areas (Ghana
Statistical Service, 2002). It is, however, important to note that the analysis
depicts a lower age at first sex among females of 15-19 years compared with
those of 20-24 years. This shows that although the population have had sex
within ages 15-19 years has declined in recent years (Kwankye, 2005), the
timing of first sex among the few that ever had sex is declining and should be
addressed.
Conclusions
and Recommendations
The role of the media role in all facets of life is
well acknowledged especially in the current situation of information,
communication and technology. As Okonofua (1997) acknowledges, targeting the
press could assist in reshaping community attitudes for example towards induced
abortion. Among young women, however, this paper has demonstrated that
newspapers are better placed to positively influence attitudes towards sex,
fertility, contraceptive use and reproductive health in general compared with
the radio or television. This is perhaps the case because the radio and
television have not placed emphasis on programmes on reproductive health that
target the youth. This calls for some re-orientation of some of the programmes
that are broadcast on the numerous radio stations and the few television
studios in the country in order to make more positive impacts on the attitudes
of the youth who are considered the future leaders of the nation. For example,
as Tawiah (2002) posits, it is quite obvious that neglecting the reproductive
health needs of adolescents and the youth who form a significant proportion of
the population of sub-Saharan Africa will have long-term adverse effects on the
capabilities of our next generation, in particular women.
The Ministry of Education and Sports together with
the Ghana Education Service should have programmes that encourage reading of
newspapers in schools and colleges in Ghana. School heads should do some
content analysis of the newspapers and make a sustained subscription to those
that devote more attention to development and reproductive health issues for
their school libraries. When editors and publishers of newspapers realise that
the more they focus on development and reproductive health issues, their
tabloids would attract sustained subscription by schools and colleges, more and
more of them would join in the crusade on reproductive health attitudinal
change in the country.
Furthermore,
based on the finding of the importance of newspapers in impacting on the
attitudes and behaviour of young females on sexual and reproductive health, the
Ministry of Information and National Orientation, Ghana AIDS Commission and
reproductive health advocates in Ghana should target newspaper editors and
publishers for advocacy for them to devote more prominent spaces of their
tabloids for sexual and reproductive health issues on young persons in Ghana.
Similarly, these Ministries, Departments and Agencies should target radio and
television stations for advocacy to do more reproductive health programmes with
special emphasis on the rural areas considering that rural areas in Ghana have little or no access to newspapers. This should be rigorously pursued considering
that most of the radio stations and newspapers have private ownership whose
main objective is profit making.
Finally,
there is the need for a special study on the impact of the mass media on sexual
and reproductive health of young persons. Such a study would provide an
opportunity to consider more variables in the analysis since using data from
the national demographic and health survey tends to place a limitation on the
variables one could use in analysing the relationship between media exposure
and sexual/reproductive health attitudinal change. This study should not focus
on mere exposure of the individual to the media, but most importantly should
find out about the contents of the media coverage of sexuality and reproductive
health issues in order to draw conclusions as to the role of the media in
changing the attitudes of young people about sexual and reproductive health
issues in Ghana.
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