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Memórias do Instituto Oswaldo Cruz
Fundação Oswaldo Cruz, Fiocruz
ISSN: 1678-8060 EISSN: 1678-8060
Vol. 90, Num. 2, 1995, pp. 155-159
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Memorias Instituto Oswaldo Cruz, Vol. 90(2):155-159
mar./apr. 1995
Determination and Control of Schistosomiasis
Frederico Simoes Barbosa
Departamento de Endemias Samuel Pessoa, Escola Nacional de
Saude Publica - FIOCRUZ, Rua Leopoldo Bulh es 1480, 21041-210
Rio de Janeiro, RJ, Brasil
Code Number:OC95033
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The subject of this conference reflects the scientific
community's interest in seeking to understand the complex
causal web whose various social, economic, and biological
components interact in the production and reproduction of
schistosomiasis and its control in relation to community par-
ticipation.
From the onset, the author stresses the impossibility of
dealing separately with community participation, as if social
components were just one more "weapon" in the arsenal for
schistosomiasis control.
This study begins with a brief historical review of the 71
years of control activities with this endemic disease,
stressing the enormous efforts and huge expenditures in this
field vis-a-vis the limited results, despite the extraordinary
technological development of specific, classical control
inputs such as new treatment drugs and molluscicides.
The article then discusses the various strategies used in
control programs, emphasizing ideological consistencies and
contradictions. Interactions at the macro and micro levels are
discussed, as are the determinants and risk factors involved
in producing the disease s endemicity.
Unequal occupation of space leaves the segregated portion
of the population exposed to extremely favorable conditions
for transmission of the discase. This raises the issue of how
to control an endemic disease which is so closely linked to
the way of life imposed on the population. The study
challenges the classical control model and suggests an
alternative model now undergoing medium-term investigation in
the States of Espirito Santo, and Pernambuco, Brazil.
The author concludes that we do not need new strategies,
but a new control model, contrary to the prevailing classical
model in both concept and practice. From the conceptual point
of view, the new model mentioned above is different from
others in that schistosomiasis control is seen from a social
perspective stressing the population s accumulated knowledge
in addition to the building of shared knowledge. The model's
praxis has the following characteristics: (1) it is integrated
with and financed by research agencies and health services;
(2) it operates at the local health services level; (3) use of
molluscicides has been eliminated; (4) emphasis is given to
individual medical treatment and improvement of sanitary
conditions.
Key words: schistosomiasis control - alternative model for
control - Brazil
The topic I was asked to expound on at this conference
reflects the scientific community's interest in seeking to
understand both the complex, intriguing causal web and
community participation in schistosomiasis control. This is a
particularly difficult task leading inevitably to theoretical
and methodological questions which the limited space of this
conference does not permit me to analyze in depth. I would
stress, however, that such elements cannot be dealt with
separately, as if social components were just one more
"weapon" - often referred to as an "auxiliary tool" - in
controlling the endemic disease. I will attempt to approach
the topic as concisely as possible and relate the conceptual
discussion to praxis in schistosomiasis control, referring
more specifically to schistosomiasis mansoni.
Schistosomiasis control began in Egypt in 1922, when that
country's government set up specialized clinics for treating
people that were infected by the parasite (Mousa & Ayad
1972).
Based on an old biological postulate that the intermediate
host was the weakest link in the life cycle of parasites, the
struggle began against the mollusk transmitters of
schistosomiasis in Egypt in the 1940s, with the use of copper
sulfate, replaced by sodium pentachlorophenate in 1955.
The medical and biological literature (WHO 1992) is full of
studies on the use, application strategies, and development of
new molluscicides. Two such products, niclosamide (Bayluscide)
and N-tritylmorpholine (Frescon), received the most attention
from researchers and public health officials and were
recommended and utilized for several years in large-scale
campaigns in some endemic countries.
Field studies carried out in Egypt and published in the WHO
Bulletin (Farooq & Hairston 1966) - pointing to the
efficacy of Bayluscide in schistosomiasis control - appeared
to scientifically consolidate the decisive role of
molluscicides in controlling the disease.
The above studies were challenged by Giles and collaborators
(1973). A long-term field study in northeastern Brazil
(Barbosa & Costa 1981) showed the limitations of the use of
this molluscicide in controlling the disease. Despite
publication of these two studies (rarely quoted in the
scientific literature), molluscicides have continued to be
used eagerly by endemic countries.
Meanwhile, treatment drugs evolved to the point of large-scale
production and utilization of Oxamniquine and Praziquantel,
now competing with each other on the international market. The
former (used more frequently in Brazil) proved to be quite
well tolerated, with a high cure rate, easy to use, and at a
modest cost. Millions of doses of this drug were administered
in Brazil during the Special Schistosomiasis Control Program
(PECE).
With two chemical "weapons" at their disposal, Third World
countries began to use these two drugs simultaneously to
control the disease.
National schistosomiasis control programs have emerged in
several regions of the world. The PECE in Brazil is an example
of a so-called integrated, broad-based program. However, the
program has never been submitted to a thorough, overall
assessment.
There appears to be consensus about the impact of specific
treatment in reducing the prevalence of hepatosplenic forms of
the disease. However, it has not been possible to reduce
prevalence below a given level or to keep it low (Katz 1982,
Kloetzel & Schuster 1987).
All of the literature over the last 71 years leads to one
inevitable conclusion: that in spite of technological progress
in producing molluscicides and parasiticides and some
favorable partial results, eradication of this disease has
only occurred in one country, Japan.
In the face of evidence that schistosomiasis will not be
defeated through the exclusive use of drugs and pesticides,
the scientific community has sought new approaches in recent
years to justify the intensive use of its traditional
technological "weapons".
A series of conceptually conflicting proposals have thus been
raised which are known as "new control strategies". Control
programs have come to be called "integrated", seeking to
incorporate basic sanitation works, educational activities,
community participation, and integration with local health
services.
As might be expected, such new control strategies are backed
by the apparent logic of neoliberal political and social
movements, which are hegemonic in the First World.
Consequently, such proposals appear with an extremely
conservative ideological content, stressing the role of
individuals themselves as responsible for their own
disease.
Reduction of the hepatosplenic forms of the disease through
the use of specific drugs, a possibility demonstrated in the
1960s (Kloetzel 1967), led to the development of one further
control strategy proposed in a WHO document (WHO 1985),
namely, the reduction or elimination of more serious clinical
forms. This opinion was seconded by several countries around
the world and was adopted by Brazil in the Special
Schistosomiasis Control Program, which went so far as to
change its objectives to accomodate it.
WHO expert opinions have a marked influence on the thinking of
researchers and administrators in the health sector. Still,
one conclusion of the second meeting of WHO experts on
schistosomiasis control (WHO 1993) was that reduction of
serious forms of the disease is only one of the strategic
objectives for controlling the disease. This tended to
counteract the overblown optimism created by the opinions of
various professionals, who contended that schistosomiasis was
destined to become a minor public health problem.
Although the morbidity of schistosomiasis has been reduced,
the endemic is still a major public health problem. WHO admits
that there are tens of millions of individuals worldwide with
severe chronic lesions produced by schistosomes (WHO 1993).
Schistosomiasis has its own epidemiological characteristics,
and the disease is spreading in Brazil and other countries.
Hepatosplenic forms of the disease are still frequent in
northeastern Brazil.
All of the arguments above point to the difficulties in
controlling an endemic disease through the use of models and
strategies that are inadequate for the respective realities
faced by endemic countries.
This raises the challenge of how to control schistosomiases in
the world's tropical belt where, by no coincidence,
underdevelopment coexists with the endemics produced and
maintained by the marginalization of major portions of the
population. What, then, are the determinants of
schistosomiasis?
Of course, everyone will agree with the obvious concept that a
country's or region's epidemiological profile depends on its
socio-economic structures and political decision-making
processes. However, such relations are not linear; rather,
they depend on a complex web of factors that are present not
only in the underdeveloped world. Terris (1993) recently
referred to the regressive phenomenon occurring in the United
States with the resurgence of cholera, an increase in sexually
transmissible diseases, and the return of tuberculosis in that
country. The problem is thus universal.
The focal distribution of schistosomiasis has been known for
years. Control strategies were described which sought to act
at the micro level (Kloetzel et al. 1990).
"The shift toward a micro-level approach to schistosomiasis
control puts more emphasis on the importance of small groups
of persons, families and individual risk behaviors, thus
calling for the need of creating more culturally sensitive
strategies for control. By looking at people's perceptions
about health and disease one can retrieve important
information about health-related attitudes and behaviors
relevant to schistosomiasis transmission and control. This
constitutes key information to ensure the planning of a
sustained schistosomiasis control program in which community
participation can be fully attained". (Barbosa & Coimbra
1992).
Schistosomiasis is one of the so-called "tropical" endemic
diseases which displays the closest relationship to the
population's way of life. Although this relationship has been
known for some time, it has been dealt with conceptually
according to the classical behaviorist view in the sense of
blaming individuals for letting themselves get infected
through their own behavior. This has led to the term "man-made
disease" and the acceptance of statements like,
"schistosomiasis is caused by persons themselves" (Mott 1984).
This expression was later changed to "person-made disease"
(McCullough 1992). The victim thus becomes the villain.
There are two levels of analysis for approaching this issue,
the macro and the micro. The former explains the
health/disease process through the broader elements of
historical, economic, and political analysis. The latter is
concerned with the microenvironment and results from the
unequal distribution of the space where man lives and works
(Barbosa 1984).
People do not live in unhealthy places because they want to.
Their lives are historically determined by the macro-social
factors mentioned above. While determinants are hierarchically
ordered, the mediations between the macro and micro levels
need to be better understood.
In an environment where the risks of becoming sick and dying
are significantly increased, cultural factors interact with
bioecological ones, constituting an extremely favorable
biocultural complex for the transmission and maintenance of
endemic diseases, produced and reproduced through this
process.
Community mobilization and participation and health education
have been used as equivalent terms and considered instruments
to be appended to the technological arsenal for combatting
endemic diseases. Basic sanitation has been less
emphasized.
Basic sanitation works in rural or peripheral urban areas are
not generally included in schistosomiasis control programs for
the simple reason that they have never been able to compete
politically with the chemical inputs produced by large
industry. Sanitation is generally considered too expensive to
be used in Third World countries, even though these countries
have been spending huge sums of money on classical control
measures for the last 71 years.
Sanitation, as part of a community's development process, is a
decisive factor for controlling endemics with an oral/fecal
cycle, including schistosomiasis. Sanitation is a permanent
public work to which all should be entitled access, in
addition to being an important element in environmental
control.
Fundamental studies published over the last decades (Pitchford
1958, 1972, Barbosa et al. 1971, Jordan et al. 1975) have
received little attention in the current scientific
literature.
A recent publication coordinated by De Wolfe Miller (1990)
refers to the studies mentioned above, stressing particularly
the role of the domestic running water supply: "There is a
reproducible scientific observation that improvements in water
supply have reduced and will continue to reduce Schistosoma
haematobium and S. mansoni occurrence".
In general, the results obtained in schistosomiasis control
have been limited. Meanwhile, incalculable sums of money have
been spent on both limited projects and extensive national
programs. If cost/benefit results could be calculated for such
operations, they would be far short of satisfactory.
Southgate (1992) has pointed to two schools of thought: those
who believe that the disease is an individual problem and
those who feel that the true weight of schistosomiasis in
public health can only be assessed in terms of its total
effects on communities. Although Southgate (1992) is aware of
the problem s dimensions, he attempts to maintain a kind of
neutrality (which in fact is non-existent) in that he fails to
consider macrosocial determinants and their relationships to
the way of life of marginalized populations.
We need to take an objective stance towards schistosomiasis
control, since the classical model with its various strategies
has still not solved the problem.
In reality, we do not need new strategies, but a new model in
opposition to the prevailing, classical one both in concept
and praxis - a model that can be tested in the field. Any new
model seeks a synthesis that coexists with the old in some
way. The change is to achieve paradigms that replace
inadequate philosophical and political concepts. Such a
schistosomiasis control project is now entering its second
year of operation in the county of Afonso Claudio, Espirito
Santo, Brazil (Barbosa et al. 1993). From a conceptual point
of view, the model being constructed there is opposed to the
classical model in use in Brazil. Under this new model,
schistosomiasis control is seen from a social perspective
giving priority to the local population's accumulated
knowledge and the building of collective knowledge. It is a
controlled intervention study involving the community as a
whole, integrated with the local health system. The use of
molluscicides has been eliminated and emphasis placed on
individual medical treatment and improvements in basic
sanitation. The project is being financed by the Oswaldo Cruz
Foundation, the National Health Foundation, the Espirito Santo
State Health Department, and the County Health Department. A
similar control program is being developed in the State of
Pernambuco, Brazil.
The predominantly technocratic view towards control of endemic
diseases based on the intensive and extensive application of
pesticides and parasiticides should be replaced by another
paradigm, of a socio-cultural order. The notion of knowledge
of the disease should be rerouted towards an understanding of
the production of its endemicity in all its scope, as decribed
in this article.
Once again I quote Southgate (1992) as he expounds his
idealism: "Attitudes and approaches to schistosomiasis control
are thus in a state of very rapid change and evolution, and
the next few years promise to be very exciting, as a
combination of research and increasing experience allows us to
plan and implement strategies in cooperation with the affected
communities themselves."
Unfortunately, things are not quite that simple. Relationships
with a community can only be understood when they include "as
their main thrusts the right to citizenship and the building
of knowledge, where the conjunction of technical knowledge
with the population's life experience allows [one and all] to
visualize another panorama of the situation, previously
unrevealed". (Valla et al.1993)
Conclusions: (1) schistosomiasis are serious diseases that are
spreading in some areas of the world; (2) schistosomiasis
control has not produced the expected results, despite
technological progress in the production of molluscicides and
parasiticides; (3) schistosomiasis has only been eradicated in
one country, Japan; (4) the technological model and its
various strategies, developed in First World countries, are
not applicable in Third World countries because they are based
on conservative ideologies blaming individual humans for
producing their own disease; (5) schistosomiasis control and
that of other endemics must be viewed from an opposite
perspective. A new control model must be developed on the
basis of a socio-cultural paradigm that is capable of
explaining the overall process of producing the disease's
endemicity.
Based on the above concepts, it should be possible to begin
rational programs for the control of endemics, as long as the
new model is built and validated through intervention studies
in the field.
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Copyright 1995 Fundacao Oswaldo Cruz (Fiocruz)
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