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African Journal of Traditional, Complementary and Alternative Medicines
African Ethnomedicines Network
ISSN: 0189-6016
Vol. 3, Num. 3, 2006, pp. 37-47
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African Journal of Traditional, Complementary and Alternative
Medicines Vol. 3, No. 3, 2006, pp. 37-47
Research Paper
A STUDY ON THE INDIGENOUS MEDICINAL PLANTS AND
HEALING PRACTICES IN CHITTAGONG HILL TRACTS (BANGLADESH)
Niaz
Ahmed Khan and A. Z. M. Manzoor Rashid 1
Shahjalal
University of Science and Technology, Sylhet,
Bangladesh.Email: 1pollen-for@sust.edu, niaz.khan@undp.org
Code Number: tc06035
Abstract
It has been
unequivocally established that medicinal plants and associated knowledge play
a significant role in the general welfare of the upland communities of Chittagong
Hill Tracts (CHT), Bangladesh. Notwithstanding the recognition, however,
organised research on indigenous medicinal plants and knowledge has been
strikingly limited. This local wisdom is fast eroding for such reasons as
biotic interference, shrinking land resource base, deforestation, insufficient
support from the government and public policies, and lack of appropriate
management and institutional structure. In this context, this article, drawing
on an empirical fieldwork, sheds some lights on the indigenous medicinal plants
and associated practices in six selected locations of CHT. After a general
introduction, the second section summaries selected key literature on the
subject. The third section presents some observation on the medicinal plant
resources in the study areas, while the next section introduces the practice
of
traditional healers or Baidyas together with their problems. The
concluding section furnishes the following clues on improvement: (a) systematic
documentation and recording of the existing medicinal plants; (b) organised
motivational and awareness raising campaign regarding medicinal plants and
their benefits; (c) establishment of experimental propagation nurseries; (d)
research support for proper documentation and dissemination of the knowledge on
medicinal plants and associated folk and herbal treatment methods; (e)
utilisation of the local press, media and folk cultural practices as
community-based extension and dissemination media to highlight the importance
of medicinal plants and knowledge; (f) development of a network or platform to
bring the Baidyas together by utilizing the community-based
organisations.
Key words: Bangladesh, Healing practice, Indigenous knowledge, Medicinal plants, Upland community
Introduction
It has been
unequivocally established that medicinal plants and associated knowledge, which
represent a part of rich local heritage, play a significant role in the general
welfare of the upland communities of Chittagong Hill Tracts (e.g. Alam 1992,
Khan et al. 2002). Zuberi (1999:69), for example, comments: In Bangladesh
and the adjoining regions, a long tradition of indigenous herbal medical
systems, based on the rich local plant diversity exists forming a very
important component of the primary health care system. Notwithstanding the
recognition and emphasis, however, organised research and information on
indigenous medicinal plants and knowledge have been strikingly limited. In
the recent years, a general concern has been that this local wisdom is fast
eroding
for such reasons as biotic interference, shrinking land resource base,
deforestation, insufficient support from the government and public policies,
and lack of appropriate management and institutional structure (e.g. Zuberi
1999, Rashid and Rashid 2000, 2002, Khan 2000).
In the above
context, this paper, drawing on an empirical fieldwork sheds some lights on the
indigenous medicinal plants and associated knowledge and practices in selected
locations of CHT. After this introduction, the second section summaries
selected key literature on the subject in the context of CHT. The third section
presents some observation on the medicinal plant resources in the study areas,
while the next section introduces the practice of traditional healers or Baidyas together with their problems. In the concluding section, we discuss some clues
on improvement.
The observations,
which inform this paper, draw on fieldwork on six locations in CHT, namely
Lama, Sualok, Balaghata, Chemidolupara, Majherpara, Madhapara, and Sadar, under
the district of Bandarban (for details of the consideration of site selection
and research methodology, see IMAGE 2002). The study sites were selected after
a series of consultation with the key stakeholders in the region including the
traditional local government leaders (e.g. Karbari and Headman), the
local Circle Chief (Bomang Raja), Baidya, social and community
leaders (e.g. monks, school teachers), and agroforestry farmers. The following
factors were considered in choosing the sites: availability of Baidya and their practices; relative security in access and communication; presence of
living specimen (of medicinal plants) and ethnic diversity among the
communities. Some 30 Baidyas mainly from Marma and Tangchayanga community
were interviewed within a time frame of nearly six months. The age range of the
respondent Baidyas varied between 34 and 75; all the respondents except
one, were male. The research mainly relied on such anthropological tools as
personal (uncontrolled) observation, ethno-histories, and informal interviews.
For a deeper understanding, occasional case studies were done. Additionally, a
Field Diary was also used, where virtually any observed phenomenon of interest
was noted.
A Summary of Selected
Concerned Literature
Research on
herbal medicinal plants and associated issues are very limited in Bangladesh.
Alam (1992) has conducted ethno botanical survey on the Marma tribe and
recorded local use of herbal drugs. Rashid et al. (1987) researched into
the nature and functional dynamics of crude drug market in Bangladesh. They
observed that different Auayurbedic, Unani and other
pharmaceutical industries of the country commonly used some 142 different crude
drugs. Khisa (1996) explored the nature and use of the Chakma traditional
medicine. Chowdhury et al. (1996) documented 42 folk formularies, which
had long been used traditionally against dysentery and diarrheoa in Bangladesh.
Another study by Alam et al. (1996) also documented 143 folk formularies
against 53 common diseases. Nursery technique developed for propagation of
popular herbal plants by the Bangladesh Forest Research Institute (BFRI) has
also been documented by Rashid et al. (1990). For large-scale commercial
plantation of medicinal plants, we need to have adequate knowledge about their
flowering and fruiting phenomena. Ara et al. (1990) investigated in to
these phenomena in some details. A manual has been developed by the WHO to provide
information to the least literate villagers of the Southeast Asian countries
about their herbal resources. This manual intends to keep health workers
informed of the therapeutic utility of the flora growing adjacent to our
homesteads and villages (WHO, 1990). Zuberi (1999) offers a brief status report
on medicinal plant diversity and associated conservation measures. Rashid and
Rashid (2000) present an analysis of the status of herbal medicine in Bangladesh
together with their therapeutic use and associated indigenous knowledge. Another
study by Rashid and Rashid (2002) looks into the prospect of floriculture and
medicinal plant cultivation in the uplands of CHT.
The Major Medicinal Plants
in the Study Area
The following table
proffers a list of important plants, which have been observed in the study
areas. These plants are preferred by the Baidyas mainly for such reasons
as (a) their adaptability to the edaphic and climatic conditions of the
locality (b) their market potential and (c) the diverse use of many of them in
different medicine preparation as the base ingredient.
Table 1: List of the Major
Medicinal and Spice Plants Commonly Observed in the Study Areas
Scientific
name |
Vernacular
name |
Therapeutic
use |
Acorus calamus |
Boch |
Diarrheoa,
dysentery, weakness, indigestion, cough, constipation, stomach disorders |
Adhatoda vasica |
Vasak |
Expectorant; phthisis,
coughs asthma. |
Aloe indica |
Gritakumari |
Purgative; cooling agent;
stomach diseases; preparation of lotion. |
Andrographis paniculata |
Kala megh |
Hepatitis;
antihelmenthic dysentery; fevers and stomach trouble. |
Anisomeles indica |
Gobura |
Carminative; astringent and
tonic. |
Aristolochia indica |
Iswarmul |
Stimulant; tonic; stomach
diseases; anti- periodic. |
Asparagus racemosus |
Shatamuli |
Diuretic; measles; pox and
diarrheoa; energetic (tonic). |
Azadirachta indica |
Neem |
Tonic;
antispasmodic; insecticide. |
Boerhaavia diffusa |
Punarnova |
Diuretic; antihelmenthic;
skin diseases; asthma |
Cassia alata |
Dadmardan |
Anti-parasitic;
anthelmintic; aesthetic. |
Centella asiatica |
Thankuni |
Energetic (tonic); nerve
diseases; (fairer) skin complexion. |
Cinnamomum tamala |
Tejpata |
Spices;
stimulant. |
Curcuma aromatica |
Ban halud |
Tonic;
carminative. |
Curcuma caesia |
Kalahalud |
Diarrheoa. |
Curcuma longa |
Halud |
Spice. |
Cymbopogon citratus |
Lebugandhi ghas |
Colic; stomach disease;
rheumatic fever. |
Datura metel |
Dutura |
Hydrophobia,
arthritis, stimulant, cough, diarrheoa, fever, mental disorders |
Embelia ribes |
Biranga |
Carminative;anthelmintic;
laxative. |
Ocimum sanctum |
Tulsi |
Cough; fever; dysentery;
stomach diseases; mosquito repellent; |
Phyllanthus emblica |
Amloki |
Rich
in vitamin (a component of triphala). |
Piper longum |
Pipul |
Digestive,
cough and cold, arthritis, after pregnancy disorders, asthma, gonorrhea |
Piper nigrum |
Gulmarich |
Cough;
spice. |
Plumbago rosea |
Lal Chitra |
Conjunctivitis,
skin diseases, abortion, leprosy, syphilis, paralysis, indigestion |
Rauwolfia serpentina |
Sarpagandha |
Hypertension; sedative; |
Santalum album |
Sheta Chandan |
Cosmetics,
essential oil (aromatic) |
Saraca indica |
Ashoke |
Menstruation,
female diseases, dysentery |
Terminalia arjuna |
Arjun |
Heart
disease (a component of triphala). |
Terminalia bellirica |
Bhoera |
Stomach
diseases (a component of triphala). |
Terminalia chebula |
Haritaki |
Stomach
diseases (a component of triphala). |
Vitex negundo |
Nishinda |
Weakness,
headache, vomiting, malaria, black fever |
Woodfordia floribunda |
Dhaifhul |
Female disease; dye. |
Zinger officinale |
Ada |
Stimulant;
cough; spice. |
Medicinal plants are often
found along hedge and boundary lines. The shrubby species are usually
cultivated as undergrowth in homestead plantation areas and also in the fallow
lands.
Organised commercial
plantations (as distinct from irregular homestead plantations) are virtually absent.
Scientific silvicultural practices (e.g. weeding, pruning) are not usually
followed. Women play a major role in maintaining the (limited number of)
homestead medicinal plantations in the locality. A number of Baidyas from the Marma community possess written manual (Burmese scripts) on the
practice and they deal more in mainstream herbal treatment, as compared to the tantra-montro or spiritual and sacred ceremonies. The Baidyas representing the
Tanchangya community are more into the practice of tantra-montro.
The Practice of Baidya:
Nature and Challenges
The knowledge and
wisdom, which underpin the practice of Baidya, are mostly passed on from
one generation to the other. Baidyas provide two broad categories of
services: (a) plant-based (curative and preventive) treatment and healing (kabiraji);
and (b) spiritual and sacred ceremonies (tontra-montro). The following
boxes present some glimpses of the life and living of the Baidyas:
Box 1: Shashi Vushan Baidya (50) [Rowang Para,
Upazila: Sadar, Bandarban]
Shashi is one of the very few
practising baidyas left in the locality. He is a rather reclusive
personality and not much inclined to talk to outsiders. We found him in a tea
stall adjacent to his house. He was moderately drunk. We sat by him in the
stall along with a number of other villagers. It took more than an hour of
chatting and drinking, before we could get into the `core of our discussion.
Shashi represents the
Tanchangya tribe. As a baidya, he needs to perform twofold roles:
treatment with herbal medicine or kabiraji, and spiritual healing or ban-tona.
The raw materials or crude drugs needed for kabiraji had traditionally
been available locally. However, now
you do not
find trees and herbs in the [local] jungles. The rocks are barren. People cut
trees and take them away in trucks. If you cut trees, herbs also die
; trees
and herbs are like own mothers sons [i.e. brothers]. One cannot live
[without the other].
Currently, some rare herbal
drugs, therefore, need to be bought from shops at Balaghata and Bandarban
(city) bazaars, who in turn brought them from Chittagong (especially from a
large shop called Pitambar Saha in Khatungongj which imported herbal
materials from such countries as India, Pakistan, Nepal and Burma). Some common kabiraji treatments include:
- applying the juice of Dandaupton (a creeper) for pain in
ears or nose;
- use of Ban-dhania (Scopolaria dulcii)
in a number of `female diseases, such as pain in the breasts, `not enough breast milk etc.;
- use of Kacharang sak (a
vegetable, something like spinach) in case of stone in kidneys;
- use of Ludijolap (a
herb) for stomach pain and constipation;
- use of a compound paste made
of the barks of mango and guava trees in the treatment of diarrheoa and
cholera. After the paste is made, a
red-hot dao (jungle knife) is placed in it, before it is given
to the patient for oral consumption;
- use of Morog-ful or Morog-jhut (a
herb) in controlling excessive bleeding during the time of child birth;
- use of the root of Rakta-chita in
pregnancy related complications including abortion.
Not much is known to us about
the world of Ban-tona or spiritual healing. What is it actually?
Shashi explains:
You learn this
[practice] from your fathers and grand fathers
You have to love and adore the
spirits, [until] the spirits gets into you [and starts] living in your
[soul]. I learnt it from my father Chandra baidya, who was taught by his
father. It took 20 years for my father to learn the montro [the sacred
words] and he became the personal baidya of an official of the King
We observed about 25 dried
gourds, arranged in two rows, in Shashis house (we were invited to his house
for a short while, from the tea stall towards the end of our discussion). The
usual practice is to utter the montro into the gourds and then each montro-charged
gourd was given to the patient or devotee for oral consumption. Sometimes,
other small objects, known as tabiz, are also offered as talismans.
People come to the baidya with a range of problems and complications
relating to: (troubled) love affair; litigation; crop failure; natural
calamities; (how to) win over enemies; (how to) influence other peoples
lives and minds; (disorder in) sexual practices and desires; and (how to)
predict the future.
We were not allowed to touch or
take photographs of anything related to the practice of kabiraji or ban-tona,
lest it might disturb the living spirits. There is no specific time for
treatment. People may come anytime to the baidya. Mostly, however,
people get hold of Shashi in the tea stall, which was his favorite place to
drink tea and locally made rice wine. There is said to be sacred montro book, which the baidyas follow. We were not allowed to see it. We
asked the villagers who were chatting with us in the tea stall about the
book. Although they were certain of its existence, neither of them had
actually seen a copy of the book.
Shashi has two sons and a
daughter. The boys attend the government primary school, which is located
about 2 miles off the stall. The girl gives a hand to her mother in household
chores. The wife looks after the jhum and the family chores, while
Shashis life centres around kabiraji, ban-tona and drinking. A baidya needs a cool head to perform
.; work in jhum is hot
it drains away the tosh [fluid] of your mind and head. We are uncertain about Shashis
income from the practice. He was unwilling to share any comment on this.
Drawing on his neighbours comments and our rough estimates, we believe his
income as a baidya is something to the tune of Tk. 500 a month. A
local NGO occasionally engages Shashi for their motivational campaign in the
locality. Some days, he accompanies the Headman or the Union Council Chairman
to the city officials or the King in Bandarban. These are some other sources
of his income (and social honour). Is he prepared to teach his knowledge to
his sons?
No, these days
boys do not have love for the spirits; if you do not love the spirits
, [the
spirits] do not reside in you. Its no easy thing. It needs long devotion and
interest
[Besides] people also do not come much to us.
How to improve the situation?
In Shashis opinion, three things would make him very happy: a regular
supply of crude drugs or herbal raw materials; an institutional arrangement
for training in herbal medicine; and showing public respect to the living
spirits. |
Source: Based on Khan 2001
Box 2: Suichano Marma (58) [Madyam Para, Bandarban Sadar,
Bandarban]
Suichano a popular Baidya in the locality. He lives in a bamboo walled (and sungrass-thatched) house,
which is built at about half meter height from the ground. As he has no
separate room for attending the patients, Suichano uses one part of his house
for the purpose. He is Buddhist by religion and keeps a well-decorated large
picture of Lord Buddha in the house.
The herbal plants grown around
the homestead immediately caught our attention. Suichanos garden of
medicinal plants is small, yet richly stocked. The area looked visibly green
with grassy bushes, although there was hardly any large tree in sight. He
collected these plants by searching through the forests and hills in the
vicinity:
Many plants
you do not see any more; they are gone;
small plants and big trees are like
brothers of the same mother. You kill a tree, the brother [i.e. small plant]
also dies. I have walked until my knees crack [i.e. a long distance], but
still I was unable to find some of the plants [which] I used to get so easily
in the nearby jungles.
He has no institutional
training as Baidya but inherited the knowledge from his forefathers.
He cannot speak Bengali fluently, but the level of understanding the language
is good. He can read and write Marma language. He possesses a manual on
herbal medicines, which is written in Marma language. His sons and daughters
are all married and they live separately. They do not show any interest in
their fathers profession, as there is not enough money; this generation is
not as stupid as us.
Suichano reports that his
income from the profession is very little and uncertain. The practice of Baidya is getting increasingly difficult, as natural raw materials are getting
scarce [and he has] to depend on external suppliers for the raw materials,
which are often impure. It sometimes takes weeks to procure the required medicine
from the suppliers and thus patients loose interest.
Suichano feels that if the
supply of pure raw materials is ascertained, herbal treatment may regain its
lost glory. He suggests the following actions: (a) establishment of farms on
herbal medicines and (b) proper training of Baidyas. |
9 (out of 30) Baidyas maintain a reasonable stock of the major medicinal plants and herbs in and
around their homestead premises. The family members especially the women
typically look after these plantations. Only 3 respondents have specialised
chamber for attending to the patients. Other does not have any special
provision or formal arrangement, except for small wooden boxes to store the
basic equipments and raw materials for the practice. Most Baidyas collect
raw materials from local bazaars namely Balaghata bazar, Sualok, Bandarban
sadar. For more widely used materials, Baidyas occasionally approach
intermediate agents or middlemen or city-based whole-sellers. There are a few
medicine shops in the City of Chittagong, which deal in herbal and medicinal
plants.
It is difficult
to determine Baidyas income. Their income varies substantially and
shows seasonal fluctuations (e.g. winter is often a busy time for the Baidyas in handling cases of mental disorder; high monsoon for water-borne
diseases). A good number of respondents expressed their unwillingness to
discuss about their earnings. Besides, for nearly two third of the respondents,
the practice of Baidya is not the only source of livelihood. They
typically rely on such supplementary sources of income as small business (e.g.
grocery shops), collection of non-timber forest products (bamboo, fuelwood,
sungrass, honey etc.), livestock (especially pigs) rearing, sharecropping, and
waged labour. The highest and lowest incomes from the practice of Baidya,
as reported by the respondents (who agreed to share the information), are Tk.
1400 and Tk. 6000.
Drawing the
respondents comments and responses, the following major problems and challenges
concerning the practice of Baidya may be identified:
- Our empirical observations suggest that in most cases these
traditional healing systems draw and rely on Hamdards pharmacopoeia primarily
based on Unani principles. Besides, some use of Indian and
British pharmacopoeia has also been noted. In some areas, a more localized,
tailor-made system locally known as Mogha Shastrya -- is practiced
which contains a convenient mixture of Unani and Auayurbedic principles.
- The most widely used species,
e.g. Boch, Datura, Chitra, Kala jira, Grhitokumari, Punanarva, Kalo holud,
Sharpagandha, and Arjun in the
preparation and practice of medicine are becoming increasingly rare and
difficult to procure for such reasons as rapid destruction of the neighbouring
natural forests (mainly prompted by organised illicit commercial logging),
bureaucratic complications and harassment (e.g. by the Forest Department),
and inaccessibility and difficulties in communication and transportation.
- This traditional wisdom
has not been institutionalised. There is no formal arrangement or institution
to train and nurture this knowledge in the
locality. The institutional mechanisms for dissemination or extension of
the knowledge and practice are also absent.
- The time of collection and
harvesting of medicinal plants is a vital factor in ensuring efficacy of
the medicines prepared thereof. The time
factor is often ignored or by-passed by the Baidyas due to acute
shortage and great demand of these plants.
- Local people nowadays prefer modern mainstream medication. The
reduced number of patients, coupled with the difficulty in obtaining raw
materials, makes the practice of Baidya almost unsustainable.
- The young generation does
not show much interest in learning the traditional practice. They feel
that Baidya as a profession is not
promising for the above reasons. Some youngsters also consider this practice
to be derogatory; as manifested in the following remarks made during the
interviews: backward, primitive and clearly out of date.
- Majority of the existing Baidyas buy the raw material
(spices, plants, stamp, seeds, roots etc.) of their practice from the local
markets. Many respondents reported that these materials are generally of low
quality and poor stock.
- Although there are a number
of public (e.g. nurseries developed by the Forest and Agricultural Extension
Departments) and private nurseries in
the locality, these nurseries rarely cater for the requirement of medicinal
herbs and plants. The Baidyas, who want to ensure a sustained source of
quality seed and seedling, badly feel the absence of a central propagation
nursery.
- Institutional and external
support and patronisation, especially from the government, for the development
and promotion of indigenous medicinal
plants and knowledge are nearly absent in the study areas. Baidyas lack
any organised platform or avenue to voice their demands and problems, and also
to share and exchange idea and information.
Conclusions: Clues on
Improvement
The age-old practice
of Baidya is currently threatened by a host of problems including
limited availability of the required plants and herbs; rapid destruction of
natural forests; lack of formal arrangement or institution to train and nurture
this knowledge; lack of organised propagation nurseries; inadequate institutional
and external support and patronisation (especially from the government); low
quality and poor stock of raw materials in the open market; and unwillingness
among the youngsters to learn and adopt the practice. Despite the rather dismal
present state of affairs, this deeply rooted social practice, which has
significant value as a community service, still holds great potential and
remains too important to be ignored. Drawing on the respondents comments and
our observation during the fieldwork, the following ideas and clues on possible
improvement may be considered:
- With the active participation
of the local people, the existing medicinal plants should be systematically
documented and recorded; the document
may also be made available in major local languages in a simple and
user-friendly manner.
- Organised motivational and
awareness raising campaign regarding medicinal plants and their benefits
(e.g. free from negative side effects, low cost) may be carried out at the
community level, especially amongst the younger population, by involving
the community leaders and local community based organisations (e.g.
schools and religious institutions) and NGOs.
- Experimental propagation
nurseries may be established under government and non-government
initiatives to ensure sustained supply of seedlings.
- The mainstream research
institutions in the country, especially the forest and agricultural
research institutes and universities may be encouraged to provide the
much-needed research support for proper documentation and dissemination of
the knowledge on medicinal plants and associated folk and herbal treatment
methods.
- The local press, media and folk
cultural practices (e.g. folk theatres) may be utilised as community-based
extension and dissemination media to highlight the importance of
conserving this traditional practice and heritage.
- Local base and community
relationstwo of the major benefits of some of the local NGOs and
community based organisations may also be exploited for initiating a
network or platform to bring the Baidyas together.
Acknowledgements
An earlier
(abridged) version of this article was presented at the International
Symposium on Mountain Farming, 19-21 November 2002, organised by the
Canadian Centre for International Studies and Cooperation, held in Uttaranchal,
India.
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